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Besigye forced Museveni to redistribute political violence, united Ugandans

Friday March 25 2016

It’s about six weeks since Uganda held its fifth presidential election following the end of a five-year brutal civil war that brought President Yoweri Museveni to power in 1986.

However, the electoral outcome remains contested with the electoral commission affirming the incumbent won with over 60 per cent and the main opposition leader, Dr Kizza Besigye asserting his win was stolen.

Former prime minister and estranged Museveni confidant, Amama Mbabazi, who came third in the polls has taken to court praying for the annulment of the results while the state still holds Dr Besigye under house arrest for fear he might incite violent protests over the “swindled” vote.

Seminally, the crime the opposition alleges against Museveni —“stealing” votes and subverting the will of the people is the same Museveni alleged against his opponent in the 1980 election that made him launch a war.

This historical habit of “stealing” votes has led some to wonder whether armed liberators can cause democracy while some foresee a bleak future unless dialogue is embraced and others regret participation in Museveni’s armed struggle.

From the foregoing, it wouldn’t be an exaggeration to say Uganda faces political uncertainty and hasn’t moved an inch since 1980 as far as transparency or trust in voting counting is concerned. This is partly why Museveni critics says he isn’t any better than his predecessors as far as democracy is concerned; only that he was willing to shed blood for vote rigging and associated desecration of citizens’ rights than his opponents have been.

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When Dr Besigye first opposed Museveni, Uganda was still deeply divided along southerners and northerners; with westerners generally perceived to be “eating” or in power.

The perception that President Museveni’s tribe was favoured at the expense of other tribes continued a trend inherited from colonial rule and continued by successive regimes with each president since independence accused of favouring his region and tribe.

And, since change of government has historically been violent, each time a president is deposed, his tribe/region has paid for the sins of their son. This happened to presidents Mutesa, Milton Obote, Idi Amin and the Gen Okello’s tribes.

When President Museveni came to power, he vowed to end sectarian politics.

While Museveni rhetorically preached against sectarianism, in practice, the north continued to suffer under his rule and was accused of continuing tribal politics with high-profile jobs and tenders going to his tribesmen/women and supporters.

The perception of “westerners are eating” and bragging by some individuals from the region that Tukaatera embundu twatunga obwoogerero (we fought and earned the right to speak) created resentment against people from Western Uganda.

Consequently, there was fear that in case of regime change, President Museveni’s region/tribesmen would pay heavily. Thus, whether for objective or subjective reasons, President Museveni didn’t manage to unite Ugandans around politics of ideas to kill tribal politics until Dr Besigye appeared.

For Dr Besigye’s ability to stand up to uniformed-men with guns and resilience in the face of incredible regime injustice and violence; including his public beating by the police captured on national television did not only demystify President Museveni’s power but also endeared him to the public; earned him respect and united many Ugandans around his cause regardless of their tribe.

Yet, since 2001 when Dr Besigye first run against Museveni, the individuals who have suffered injustice, beatings by militias and police brutality, or even whose businesses have been sabotaged are evenly distributed among Uganda’s tribes, including among the Banyankore.

Unlike other Ugandan presidents therefore, Museveni has been able to redistribute political violence and in process unintentionally united Ugandans.

And in forcing the unforgiving hand of Museveni, Dr Besigye has been able to demonstrate to Ugandans that their country’s political problem isn’t located in tribe or region or religion but dictatorship and personalised power.

In the end, Dr Besigye may be remembered not only as a young medical doctor who left a promising career to join an armed struggle against a dictatorship but also as a man, once out of the bush and in government, left to inaugurate protest politics on the streets against a comrade he perceived to have veered off the ideals they fought for.

Dr Christopher Kayumba, PhD, is a senior lecturer at the School of Journalism and Communication, the University of Rwanda, and lead consultant at MGC Consult International Ltd, Kay Plaza Building, Kimoronko Road, E-mail: [email protected] ; Twitter: @Ckayumba; Website: www.mgcconsult.com